By Gregory Mixon
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Extra info for The Atlanta Riot: Race, Class, and Violence in a New South City
According to Smith and Gray, for instance, railroads cultivated and utilized the black vote in order to thwart reform. With this mind-set, the new Progressives supported extending the Jim Crow segregation initiated in by a Populist-controlled Georgia legislature under Speaker Clark Howell. 39 While embracing Speaker Howell’s segregation, the Progressives saw Clark Howell as the chief defender of machine politics and main opponent of the white primary. 40 In , George Hillyer and Hoke Smith were appointed to a citizens committee to revise the city’s charter, reprising the effort Hillyer led twenty-seven years earlier that undercut black and working-class political inﬂuence in city government.
William M. Brantley, son of a prominent local physician, alleged he “was cut” in an altercation with ﬁve “intoxicated” blacks. The conductor claimed Brantley and his brothers-in-law, J. H. Bullard and J. M. ”38 One “EKF,” in a letter to the Constitution entitled “Separate Cars for Negroes,” called on the city council and newly franchised Georgia Railway and Electric Company to implement the Separate Car Law. Otherwise, EKF advocated replacing it with State Senator H. B. ” The writer also condemned white men for compelling “ladies and children, mothers, [and] wives .
But Smith became disillusioned with Grady and Howell before Grady’s death in . He purchased his own paper, the Atlanta Journal, in . In a Democrat won the White House, and Hoke Smith was appointed secretary of the interior in the ﬁrst Grover Cleveland administration. Smith thus became the “chief administration spokesman in Georgia,” meaning he had charge of Georgia’s federal patronage, and he catapulted over the Howells as political boss of Georgia. Cleveland’s opposition to the free coinage of silver, however, made Smith unpopular among Georgia farmers.
The Atlanta Riot: Race, Class, and Violence in a New South City by Gregory Mixon