By Michael George Hanchard
From contemporary information on disparities among Brazilian whites and non-whites in parts of wellbeing and fitness, schooling, and welfare, it's transparent that huge racial inequalities do exist in Brazil, opposite to previous assertions in race family scholarship that the rustic is a "racial democracy." the following Michael George Hanchard explores the consequences of this more and more obvious racial inequality, highlighting Afro-Brazilian makes an attempt at mobilizing for civil rights and the robust efforts of white elites to neutralize such makes an attempt. inside of a neo-Gramscian framework, Hanchard exhibits how racial hegemony in Brazil has hampered ethnic and racial id between non-whites by way of concurrently selling racial discrimination and fake premises of racial equality.
Drawing from own documents of and interviews with individuals within the Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, Hanchard offers a wealth of empirical proof approximately Afro-Brazilian militants, evaluating their effectiveness with their opposite numbers in sub-Saharan Africa, the USA, and the Caribbean within the post-World warfare II interval. He analyzes, in accomplished element, the intense problems skilled by means of Afro-Brazilian activists in picking and redressing racially particular styles of violation and discrimination. Hanchard argues that the Afro-American fight to subvert dominant cultural kinds and practices incorporates the chance of being subsumed by means of the contradictions that those dominant varieties produce.
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Additional info for Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil 1945-1988
As will be seen in a consideration of the existing literature on Brazilian race relations below, this question and the predicaments from which this question emerged have neither been posed nor theorized by students of Brazilian race relations. RACIAL POLITICS 21 A similar question has persisted throughout the modern history of Afro-Brazilian social movements: how could black Brazilians strive for racial equality in a nation without democratic commitment to its citizens as a whole, while at the same time struggle against an ideology that claims there is no need for such strivings in the ﬁrst place?
This has been the crucial and unique predicament for Afro-Brazilian activists since the 1930s. In the process of Brazilian racial hegemony, activists have, with varying degrees of success, attempted to both undermine racist practices in Brazilian social structures and undertake the task of political education of white and nonwhite Brazilians about racial inequalities in their country. Cultural practices, for both Gramsci and for Afro-Brazilian activists engaged in a critique of Brazilian race relations, have been the key site for political mobilization.
The city of São Paulo has historically been the principal site for AfroBrazilian mobilization. Though other cities like Salvador and Recife have now become loci of activism since the 1970s, São Paulo was the place of gestation for several key organizations that ultimately had national impact for the movimento negro since the 1920s, the Black Brazilian Front (FNB or Frente Negra Brazileira) and the Uniﬁed Black Movement (MNU or Movimento Negro Uniﬁcado) among them. Fernandes (1969) cites the effects of proletarianization upon skilled black laborers, the anonymity of the city, and the intensity of racism within the context of market competition as reasons for the early efforts at political cohesion in the city, points echoed by Moura (1988) and Bastide (1965).
Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil 1945-1988 by Michael George Hanchard