By Edward Andrew
Republicanism and imperialism are usually understood to be positioned at contrary ends of the political spectrum. In Imperial Republics, Edward G. Andrew demanding situations the meant incompatibility of those theories with reference to 17th- and eighteenth-century revolutions in England, the U.S., and France.
Many students have famous the impression of the Roman country at the ideology of republican revolutionaries, particularly within the version it supplied for remodeling subordinate matters into self sustaining electorate. Andrew reveals an both vital parallel among Rome's expansionary dynamic — unlike that of Athens, Sparta, or Carthage — and the imperial rivalries that emerged among the U.S., France, and England within the age of revolutions. Imperial Republics is a worldly, wide-ranging exam of the highbrow origins of republican hobbies, and explains why revolutionaries felt the necessity to 'don the toga' in laying the root for his or her personal uprisings.
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Additional resources for Imperial Republics: Revolution, War and Territorial Expansion from the English Civil War to the French Revolution
Janet Lloyd (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), 8, claims that Athens symbolized commercial freedom rather than democracy, whereas Sparta symbolized civic virtue, severity, and equality, but Chantal Grell, Le Dix-Huitième Siècle et l’antiquité en France 1680–1789 (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1995), 495–500, correctly indicates that eighteenth-century thinkers criticized the anarchic character of Athenian democracy. Carthage was widely seen as a commercial republic, like Athens, but was not deprecated by the zealots for Sparta and Rome, as Athens was.
John Adams thought Machiavelli the source of English principles of liberty, descending from John Ponet, through John Milton, James Harrington, and Algernon Sidney. ’2 While republicans of the English Civil War admired Machiavelli, in France the Frondeur republicans associated Machiavellian immorality with the Italian Cardinal Jules Mazarin, the chief minister during the minority of Louis XIV. Machiavelli rarely referred to Aristotle but his celebration of the Roman Republic stood in sharp contrast to Aristotle’s ideal of the selfsuﬃcient polis in many ways that are significant for our study of imperialism and republicanism in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
12 See also David Armitage, ‘Empire and Liberty: A Republican Dilemma,’ in Republicanism: A Shared European Heritage, ed. Martin van Gelderen and Quentin 30 Imperial Republics examine Milton’s prose works, which indicate that Milton admired the expansionary republicanism Machiavelli advocated,13 as did his republican contemporaries James Harrington and Algernon Sidney, whose writings will be examined later in this chapter. The diﬀerence in genre between Milton the poetic anti-imperialist and Milton the prosaic imperialist is problematic.
Imperial Republics: Revolution, War and Territorial Expansion from the English Civil War to the French Revolution by Edward Andrew