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546, ex. 11b] Rudin (1997) and Rudin et al. (1999) claim that similarly to partial interrogatives, XP-li questions (but not VP-li questions) involve presupposition. The element preceding li is focused, whereas the remaining, unfocused part of the clause is presupposed information. In the same spirit, Rudin et al. (1999) compare the distribution of li in y/n questions in Macedonian and in Bulgarian and attribute the possibility of co-appearance of li and a whword to the fact that wh-words are focused elements in wh-questions.

With regards to the syntax of polar interrogatives, the main problem that has been addressed is the position of the interrogative particle li. Such a particle has been frequently analyzed as a complementizer (Rivero, 1993; Rudin, 1997; Rudin et al. 1999; Bošković, 2000, 2002; Franks and Bošković, 2001; and Franks, 2005 among others). It has also been proposed that the interrogative particle is in fact generated in a lower position than the complementizer, heading a clause-internal focus projection situated between CP and TP (Izvorski, 1995).

12) a) Koj sigurno kakvo e kupil? Who probably what bought Aux. ‟ b) Koj vinagi kakvo e kazval? ‟ Aux. [Lambova (2004) p. 23, ex. 24] As Lambova (2004) notes, the so called wh-cluster can be broken by many parentheticals and also by different types of adverbs. What is more, the PMC raises additional problems for other languages. A general question that this approach cannot answer is why there are languages with wh-in-situ and languages which front only one or all of their wh-words. If a rule must be complied with only once, why is this realized differently cross-linguistically and why are there languages that strictly obey Superiority?

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Computational Nucl. Phys. 1 - Nucl. Struct. by K. Langanke, et. al.,

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